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You know it's a good vacation when you get to explain the Northern Cities Vowel Shift to friends and family not once but twice. Naturally, my St Louis relatives aren't aware of how the second formant has been dropping for their /ɑ/ vowels, but this is something I keep an ear out for. I'm always ready to tease [livejournal.com profile] monshu, for instance, any time his "top" sounds too much like "tap".

Most regional variation in English is confined to the vowels and the easiest way to sketch a dialect is to outline the mergers and splits among its lexical sets, something I learned about from reading John C. Wells' Accents of English. Just knowing, for instance, that my speech has the pin-pen and hurry-furry mergers but not cot-caught and has /ɔn/ for on rather than /ɑn/ gives you a pretty good idea what part of the country I'm from. But, of course, features like these don't necessarily remain static, even when (unlike me) you do stay in one place.

One of the defining features of the St Louis accent, for instance, used to be the merger of /ɑr/ with /ɔr/ rather than /or/. Or, to put it in terms of lexical sets, it had the card-cord merger rather than the horse-hoarse one. This is the source of the city's most celebrated shibboleth, "Highway Farty" for US40 (now I-64). Sadly, my recent trip confirmed that it's on the way out. I had a good chat with my mother's eldest brother at the family Christmas dinner and heard him say not only "farty" but also "arder" and "arganisation". I only consistently have it in the name of Forest Park (St Louis' answer to Central Park in NYC) and my nephews don't seem to have it at all.

In general, it feels like my vowels are collapsing before coda /r/. This is part of a larger tendency in English; only some Irish and Scottish accents really preserve a full range of vowels in this position. I can make the marry-merry distinction when need be (and I do in the names of New York friends, like Barry from Queens), but that's a learned affectation. In my natural speech, I not only have horse-hoarse but also pour-poor. Nuphy even accused me of merging /ɔr/ with /ʌr/ in some cases, so he couldn't tell whether I was talking about "shorts" or "shirts".
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For a while now I've been wondering about the existence of [h] in Cajun French. Not h, mind you--all varieties of French have that. (Except creoles, I suppose.) No, an honest-to-goodness h sound like what we have in English. In some cases, it could've been borrowed from English. Even a "native" word like halle could've been reshaped to [hal] under English influence. But what to make of it in words like hache and--particularly--haut?

Then last week, in a discussion of shallow vs. deep orthographies, I came across this extraordinary claim:
in French...the "h" is no longer an aspirated H as in "la haine" which is mostly pronounced "la aine"; 20 years ago you could heard it pronounced "haine" with an aspirated H by a few educated old people and 40/50 years ago "Haine" was spoken quite often by everyone.
It's been quite some time now since I've done any reading on the phonological history of French, but my recollection was that /h/ had been lost from the standard language quite a long time ago--certainly before living memory. A bit of online research turned up this passage from description of Missouri French published in 1941:
So-called Aspirate H

As early as the sixteenth century Scaglier considered [h] inelegant because many people gave it, he said, too harsh a pronunciation. [h] disappeared from Standard French some time at the end of the seventeenth century. To-day in France it is heard only on the edge of the Germanic domain and along a part of the Norman coast. In America, it has survived in the province of Quebec, the Maritime provinces, Missouri, and Louisiana, where it is commonly heard in words such as hache [haʃ], haut [ho], haine [hɛn], hetre [hɛːtr], haïr [haiːr]. In Missouri, a parasitic [h] is often prefixed to the pronoun elle and the adverb ensemble, which are then pronounced [hɛl] and [hɑ̃sɑː̃b].
I'm not sure where in France the author of the claim above is from, but when I posted this to a discussion in another linguistics forum, a poster from Brittany confirmed that he had friends in their 30s with [h] in these and other words.

This still left one little mystery: the [h] in haut. After all, this is a descendant of Latin altus. A spelling pronunciation is, I think, out of the question, since the populations which preserve it are--historically speaking--notoriously undereducated. Another "parasitic [h]" like in the Missouri French words? No, according to French lexicographers, this peculiarity goes back to the earliest days of French. Quoth the Robert: "du latin altus, croisé avec le francique hôh, mot germanique à l'origine de l'allemand hoch et de l'anglais high." So there you have it: It's a little bastard, just like the French language in general!

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