I haven't read extensively the commentary on the legal decision, but my initial impression is that Judge Walker may have overreached, leading to a possible bitter reversal later. I hope I'm wrong, so, you know, hurrah and everything, but I guess we'll see.
In any case, reading some of the dissenting opinions on Perry v. Schwarzenegger has got me wondering: Would it be constitutionally allowable to create a sort of "supermarriage" to satisfy those conservatives for whom the rational basis of civil marriage is reproduction first and foremost? Call it by whatever name you like--"moral union" or "reproductive partnership"--and write into the description that participants can only be one man and one woman with the intention of conceiving children. Additional restrictions could be included (say, along the lines of covenant marriage) in order to bring it closer to the ideal of religious marriage espoused by most Christian sects, but no extra privileges beyond those directly relevant to supporting the conception and nurture of children--if, indeed, even those.
Seems to me everybody wins: Those who believe that their intimate partnership just isn't special enough unless they can statutarily bar moral deviants from obtaining the same contract get what they want, and everybody else can have marriage.
In any case, reading some of the dissenting opinions on Perry v. Schwarzenegger has got me wondering: Would it be constitutionally allowable to create a sort of "supermarriage" to satisfy those conservatives for whom the rational basis of civil marriage is reproduction first and foremost? Call it by whatever name you like--"moral union" or "reproductive partnership"--and write into the description that participants can only be one man and one woman with the intention of conceiving children. Additional restrictions could be included (say, along the lines of covenant marriage) in order to bring it closer to the ideal of religious marriage espoused by most Christian sects, but no extra privileges beyond those directly relevant to supporting the conception and nurture of children--if, indeed, even those.
Seems to me everybody wins: Those who believe that their intimate partnership just isn't special enough unless they can statutarily bar moral deviants from obtaining the same contract get what they want, and everybody else can have marriage.
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For opponents, it still carries the same symbolic freight of diluting marriage of what they perceive as its unique meaning. As far as they're concerned, they had "marriage" first-- why would they agree to be the ones to give it up in favor of a seven-syllable phrase with no historical or religious resonance?
(Whether it's constitutional depends on the details-- it can't have an overt religious component, but it wouldn't necessarily have to. But it'd have to be done on the state level unless the feds want to do another power grab, so you'd get up to fifty-one different forms of supermarriage which could then be tested in the courts.)
I don't really see this as getting enough traction to affect the outcomes of the various referenda-- and certainly not quickly enough to make the court battle moot. And once the Supreme Court has ruled-- assuming it grants cert after the inevitable 9th Circuit appeal, but that seems likely-- the impetus for a compromise will likely be vastly reduced on one side or the other.
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You've read the decision itself?
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Dale Carpenter over at the Volokh Conspiracy articulates some of the concerns that he and I share.
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I see someone else had the same thought.
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(And, of course, anything that's intended to facilitate same-sex marriage is going to get a lot more and more vocal attention than the covenant marriage movement ever did.)
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Given that the number of people who went for it is tiny (2% of marriages in Louisiana, a quarter of one percent in Arizona) and self-selected, the effect on the overall divorce rate is probably impossible to isolate from noise.
But clearly it didn't capture the imagination even of religious conservatives. If it had hit some critical mass, it may be that more people would care, though it's hard to be sure.
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I don't get the argument for the covenant marriage analogy. To me it sounds like "OK, you all can use the 'whites only' drinking fountain, but we're going to create the super-white super-deluxe drinking fountain that is only available to Aryans."
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I don't know how many conservative heterosexuals would be satisfied with your solution - but I suspect very few. Their point seems to be that gays need to be excluded from using the word marriage. Period.
The problem I have with Dale Carpenter's view, as I understand it, is that it he denies any sort of fundamental right in this sphere. I understand his view is that gays should be able to marry, but they need to convince voters and legislatures, not activist courts. That's not a fundamental civil right, then. Just a simple right that could be taken away by a simple majority following demagogic fear-mongering politicians, like it was in California. In effect, not a right, but a privilege. That's why we have a Bill of Rights and independent courts with the power of judicial review: in certain spheres a minority needs to be protected from the majority.
I used to be among those who were reluctant to see this as a fundamental right. After all, I can't imagine our Founding Fathers intending a fundamental right of same sex marriage, and there are good common sense folk who bear us no ill will but *just aren't comfortable going quite that far.* But I really think about the issues discussed in Walker's opinion, I feel compelled to agree that - once you strip away the bigotry - there is no legitimate basis left for the distinction. Our Founding Fathers held a lot of beliefs that we reject today, because - like scientific progress - sometimes it takes time for people to figure stuff out, like which beliefs from our tribal past no longer stand up to reason.
I say kudos to Walker for having the guts to write this opinion. I fully suspect that his position will be narrowed, if not ultimately overturned, as it winds its way through the appellate process. Politically this is perhaps too big a pill for the Court to swallow, and too threatening to its legitimacy (that is whatever legitimacy it has left after Bush v. Gore and Citizens United). But from the perspective of reason and legal analysis, I think he reached the right result.
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We still needed the courts and the legislature to act (a century late) to fully enforce the right of African-Americans to vote, etc. But the right itself wasn't decided into existence by the courts simply because judges believed it should be there.
Of course, it should have been written into the Constitution from the beginning. But since it wasn't, it had to be explicitly fixed. A Constitution that can always be reinterpreted to give the result the interpreter wants without changes to the text is essentially meaningless.
And after all, is a simple majority of justices, unconstrained by anything but their own opinions, really that safe a guard for fundamental rights? A Supreme Court majority decided Dred Scott, after all. There's a particular danger that if a result is shoved into an electorate that regularly and vocally makes clear it's not ready for it, it may last only as long as it takes for the opposition to pack the court with five justices who agree with them.
(Even if it doesn't work, the effort could bring us the sort of generation-long culture war, hardening of attitudes, and reduction of court nominations to litmus tests we got from, e.g., Roe v. Wade, which strikes me as less than desirable.)
That said, the case is on its way, and the Supreme Court will do what the Supreme Court will do-- we don't get a vote, by design. :-) So we'll see how it goes.
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The Constitution will always be reinterpreted as long as we have judicial review, which has been with us since almost the beginning. To say that that means the interpreter can reinterpret the Constitution to say anything the interepreter wants unconstrained by anything but their own opinions is a gross misrepresentation of Constitutional law, a "straw man" argument. The question is what are the parameters of the proper exercise of that power, not that the power doesn't or shouldn't exist. If the Court pushes things too far, there is always the threat of a court packing, a refusal by other branches of the government to enforce their rulings, or even revolution. This in reality does constrain the court, even though they always talk as though their decisions are arrived at by reason, concepts of justice and precedent.
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And as Ihn points out it never took off, Covenant Marriage was on radar but never really made the pressing political agenda because at about the same time DOMA became the primary policy push in those circles and stomping on other people is apparently an easier sell than complicating family law state by state by creating "tiers of legitimacy." I have to wonder if any marriage that needs stricter provisions is a good idea, or more to the point what it says about the two people who feel they need strict legal disincentive to divorce before they even get married.