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Bím ag scríobh i nGaelainn ar feadh cúpla bliain cheana agus fós féin téann sé dian orm. Ní foláir dom lorg gach tarna focail sa fhoclóir nó ar Idirghréasán--fiú na focail sin gur cóir dóibh bheith im mheabhair faid gach nfhaid! Ní hea ná fuilid siad inti--tá aithne agam ortha nuair a bhfeicim arís iad--mar sin caithfidh go bhfuil locht san tsás rochtana.

Und es ist nicht nur mit Irisch, wobei dies Problem zu häufig vorkommt. Seit ungefähr 25 Jahren lern ich Deutsch und jetzt, sogar wenn ich was ganz Einfaches schreiben möchte, kann ich mich nicht vom stetigen Googeln zurückhalten, um mich zu versichern, dass was ich schreiben willst nicht furchtbar ausländerisch versucht klingt. Beides, Segen und Fluch, das außerordentliche Internet!
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[livejournal.com profile] mlr asks, "What was the order of the languages you studied/picked up/etc.? And what was the impetus for the choice at that particular time?"

I've been putting off answering this because it's big and messy and I don't want the entry to turn out that way, too. But I don't want to put it off forever either, so I'll start babbling and hope for the best.

During her visit this past weekend, my sister reminded me that my very first attempts to learn any foreign language came with the aid of books bought by the pound. You see, the book depository in the small town where we spent some of our tender years had an annual sale of remainders. (My sister says she still has a few volumes on her shelves embossed with a star; I think mine have finally all cycled out and been replaced by better works.) The publisher, Harper & Row, had its own answer to Berlitz in the Cortina Method, so I picked up a stack of them.

I'm think that I had already read Mario Pei's The story of language, which includes very brief sketches of several world languages, but I'm not certain. I do know that, except for when a claque of youngsters my sister was babysitting got into them once, the textbooks languished for a period of years until I got it into my head that I wanted to learn German, probably as a result of a growing interest in family history.

Or did I not start working through Conversational German in 20 Lessons until after I'd already started high school and, thus, my first formal foreign language instruction? See, that's why I put off answering: the more I tried to chronologise things, the less sure I became of what preceded what. In any case, I know my desire to learn German preceded my opportunity to learn anything. Because when I found there was no German course at my college preparatory, I opted for Spanish by virtue of its "practicality".

I was a very naïve language learner at first. I remember distinctly one of my first big boners: I was composing sentences for class. Fortunately I had an excellent teacher who encouraged my efforts to use vocabulary we hadn't learned yet. I wanted to say "his", so I looked in the index and saw it translated as su or sus. Not understanding a thing about Spanish adjective agreement, I thought if his had a final s then its Spanish equivalent should, too, and chose sus.

On the other hand, I also remember that what really tripped me up in German--eventually forcing me to abandon self-instruction--were reflexive verbs. I can't imagine having that much trouble if we'd already covered them in Spanish class, which happened in my first year, so we're back to German first and Spanish second. Whatever the sequence, there you have my first informal effort and my first formal course.

At the same time, I also had a strong interest in the Celtic languages. This was again partly driven by heritage (since my mother's family made much of my Irish great-grandmother), but not entirely because my interest in Welsh soon eclipsed my interest in Irish. Another distinct memory from freshman year is going through the crumbling set of Encyclopaedia Britannica volumes in the dorm lounge and copying out every scrap of Celtic I could find in it, including the Lord's Prayer in Welsh. I did the same thing with the etymologies of Celtic loanwords in the Webster's Third International.

But, again, I was hampered by a lack of opportunities and materials. This was around time, however, when my father discovered David Morgan. Their catalog was an eclectic mix of Welsh flannel, Celtic jewellery, Australian hats, and books, oh the books! How I used to pore through it and dream of the books. I think Teach Yourself Living Welsh arrived on my birthday, but I know that Y Geiriadur Mawr showed up on the Christmas We Got Everything (my parents' overcompensation for their separation in 1987).

What's not in doubt is the hours I spent devouring the lessons in that flimsy paperback book. (Fortunately, by the time it was destroyed completely, I'd already learned how perniciously misleading it was.) Another memory: Walking alone through the neglected eastern edge of Forest Park reciting sentences to myself. It would be another couple of years before I'd actually hear any Welsh spoken or meet another learner of Welsh, much less learn any myself, but that didn't dim my enthusiasm.

I'll wrap up this rambling installment with the last big discovery of my high school period, Korean. I had a nodding acquaintance with it due to a peculiar feature of the Compton's Encyclopedia my parents had bought from a travelling salesman when we still lived in the country. Perhaps as a result of the Korean War, it had a much more comprehensive treatment of Korea than other countries, so this is where I got my first glimpse of Han'geul.

Then at the start of my second year in the dormitory, we got an influx of new foreign students. Four of them were Korean, the sons of engineers working the in Middle East. One of them became my friend, and my pestering questions eventually caused him to nickname me 미국놈 or "Yankee bastard". I went to the public library up the road, found a Korean-English dictionary, and eventually learned what this meant and how to take it apart. When I saw him again, I said, "If 미국 is 'America' and I'm a 미국놈, then you must be a 한국놈." Chagrinned, he said, "No, you can't use it that way."
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You know me, I'm generally extremely sympathetic to the promotion of minority languages and I strive not to be judgmental about what goes under that label; the whole "language or dialect" argument is unscientific claptrap in my eyes. But I'm sorry, "Belarusian" just looks like ordinary Russian badly misspelled.
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Here's a false friend I never considered before: In my bleary-eyed state, I read Curso de derecho romano as "Curse of Roman law" instead of "Course in Roman law".

In other word maven news, I was taken aback to find that ramble has nothing to do with amble, at least etymologically speaking.
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If I were the sort to toot my own horn, I would claim nothing but noble inspirations in letting my brother scoop me with his review of last night's opera. But, as [livejournal.com profile] monshu loves to say, there are no unmixed motives, and there's more than a speck of laziness in sitting back and letting him do the job. We discussed it afterwards so it incorporates all of my brilliant insights; all you're really missing from reading it is my deathless prose style. (Note, for instance, the disappointing lack of Czech-based puns in his post. Ubohý!)

About the only thing he left out is a commentary on the performers' Czech. I don't really know much of the language, but as luck would have it one of Nuphy's language department colleagues was present, a slightly camp Mancunian who's fluent in it. He said he couldn't understand most of what was sung, but that in his opinion that had more to do with the difficulty of comprehending sung texts in any language. The cast had "definitely done their work" when it came to mastering acceptable pronunciation. (At first I had the impression that Judith Forst sounded like she was getting into a fight with the Czech language every time she opened her mouth, but after a bit I realised that's just her character--and the brilliantly disharmonic accompaniment old Leoš wrote for her.)

Speaking of language competence, here's a rundown of my experiences at the Christkindlmarket beforehand:
  • Ordering dinner: Selbstverständlich. Ich bestellte ein Kassler mit Bratkartoffeln.
  • Ordering a beer: The server was American, but she quite merrily fielded my request in perfectly competent German. ("Ich hätte gern ein Doppelbock, bitte." "Ich gebe es Ihnen gerne! Und ich trinke es gerne auch!")
  • Ordering dessert: I made the initial mistake of saying "Käsekäulchen" for "Quarkkäulchen" and after that, no amount of friendly chatter auf deutsch was enough stop the flow of English-language condescension. ("Zey hev a difficalt name in Cherman.")
  • At the Sweets Castle: Tried to make conversation about the new barcode reader and after repeating myself twice, the woman said "English please!" Turns out she's from Seth Effrica. Betrügerin!
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"Personal article" refers to the generalised use of definite articles before proper names--in all cases, not just when a name is being used as a generic noun, as in "He's the Cary Grant of pigs". It's something like the use of "our" in English dialects (e.g. "Our Julia") and, in some varieties, such as the Southern-tinged Standard German I use, it has a similar connotation of familiarity and informality. In other languages, notably Catalan, it's simply a standard feature, at least as far as I can tell.

For whatever reason, it's a usage that really appeals to me. So much so that I find myself extending it to other languages where it doesn't belong, like Spanish and French. I mean, perhaps there is a variety of French where "C'est d'un ami du Jean" is a perfectly normal utterance, but if so I haven't found it yet. So it is that I find myself stumbling sometimes, inserting the article in my mind and then deleting it as the words comes out: "¿Qué has oído de...Martín?"
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Raja's latest post reminds me that, among the expected pleasures of JP's big party in the burbs (e.g. cheesy decorations, apple cider donuts, large hairy men) there was the unexpected pleasure of rampant language geekery. I mean, its presence could've easily been predicted given that [livejournal.com profile] aadroma and I were on the invite list, since you know that whenever the two of us are in a room together you've got a There Will Be Geekery situation on your hands. What I didn't expect, however, is how many other guests were able to join in.

In fact, it was positively surreal at one point to hear two young bears squabbling about an obscure point of grammar in a foreign language (French, in this case) and not have either of them be me or Raja! I hadn't been there two minutes when [livejournal.com profile] aadroma dragged me over to meet "the other Japanese-speaker here". Once again, I was put in the position of explaining that I didn't really know any Japanese, but as a student of Korean and Chinese it fell into my penumbra. Immediately he called my bluff by greeting me in Korean, followed by Chinese!

Not much later, I was outside cooling off with the smokers. Somehow the topic of Traditional vs. Simplified came up, a divide which someone characterised as Taiwan vs. PRC. I explained that it was more complex than that given that Traditional have long been preferred among overseas Chinese but massive recent emigration from the Mainland is tipping the balance. Astonishingly, all this was overheard by a Chinese teacher, who explained that he teaches his students to read Traditional but write Simplified. (Exactly the compromise I've been urging for years, I'll note.)

Neither of these, incidentally, developed into the conversation about machine translation that [livejournal.com profile] aadroma mentions in his Multilingual Monday. (IIRC, that took place the following morning, but anything after midnight is kind of a haze.) The 干 GAN1/4 problem I brought up then has been discussed at length in Language Log and the blame laid squarely on the head of Kingsoft (whose name inexplicably slipped my mind after half a day of overstimulation and sleep deprivation).
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Let's is an odd word. I know that any dictionary or grammar book will describe it as "a contraction of let us" but that doesn't begin to capture how it's used in my speech. For starters, the so-called "uncontracted" form belongs to a completely different speech register than regular let's. Try saying "Let us get out of here" and see just how stilted that sounds.

When I was a young Catholic, "Let us pray" was the formula with which we ended our petitions in church. (I remember one of the nuns admonishing us not to run the first two words together so they sounded like "lettuce".) "Let's pray", on the other hand, is a preface to a casual wish for someone's safety, as in "Let's pray he's alright." No one in my milieu would've taken that as an earnest suggestion to clasp hands and address the Almighty.

That's not to say that let us doesn't appear in my informal speech, but only with a completely different meaning--one directly parallel to let me or let him. Compare "Let's go!" to "Let us go!" You can't "expand" the first expression to the latter or "contract" the latter expression to the former. In some cases, the result would be beyond ludicrous and into ungrammaticality. Consider the ordinary dual form "Let's the two of us" as in "Let's the two of us go to the cashier and explain." What fluent speaker would ever say *"Let us the two of us go"? I've even heard the contrastive usage "Let's us go".

Speaking of emphatic usages, I also have "Do let's!" in my speech, but only as a conscious affectation. (Although I know I've spoken before about affectations which become so routine they're more-or-less indistinguishable from one's natural usage.) That's something else about let's: It can be used on its own as an interjection, something else that doesn't really work with the ostensible "full form".

It's such a curious word--I'm not really sure what word class to file it away in--that I'm sure it must be extensively studied by syntacticians. If I weren't such a lazy bastard, I go look in McCawley or someplace to see what's been said about it.
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LLORO "parrot" (Catalan); "crying" (Spanish)
What I Read: "...y hasta sus risas sonaban a lloros."
What I Understood: "...and even his laughs sounded like parrots."
What It Means: "...and even his laughs sounded like weeping."
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Recently I wrote a post in another forum listing all the languages which I had personal overheard spoken in Chicago. I thought I'd reproduce that here, but with the added value of trying to rank the languages roughly according to frequency.

Daily

English (American, AAVE)
Russian
Spanish (Latin American)


Over the Course of a Week

Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian
Chinese (Putonghua)
French
German
Hebrew
Korean


Over the Course of a Month

Amharic
ASL
Chinese (Cantonese)
Hindi/Urdu
Japanese
Polish
Thai
Vietnamese


Over the Course of a Year

Arabic
Aramaic
Bengali
Dutch
Greek
Gujarati
Haitian Creole
Igbo
Italian
Khmer
Lao
Latvian
Panjabi
Persian
Portuguese
Rumanian
Somali
Tagalog
Turkish
Ukrainian
Wolof


A Least Once in a Decade

Belizean Kriol
Catalan
Hungarian
Irish
Malayalam
Mayan
Swedish
Schwyzertüütsch
Teochiu
Welsh
Sep. 3rd, 2009 12:30 pm

Broken here

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Alright, I've finally reached my "throw it against the wall" point with the Abley. I managed to make it all the way to page 44 before I hit this:
Modern linguistics is founded on the principles of generative grammar as laid down by Noam Chomsky in the 1950s and 1960s.
For the linguists (amateur and otherwise) in the audience, this is probably all you need to see. For the rest of you who are confused why we are either guffawing, sobbing, or both, let me see if I can give you just some idea how wrongheaded this is without having to give a potted history of the last fifty years of linguistics.

Generative grammar is first and foremost an approach to syntax. It's chiefly concerned with how we managed to produce utterances which are well-formed grammatically; the meaning of those utterances is dealt with tangentially at best. Chomsky's own students had trouble with this lopsided focus. Back in the 70s, one of these, Paul Postal, produced a devastating formal critique of interpretive semantics, which was the notion that you could generate the syntax of an utterance using context-free rules and only associate meaning to it after you were done. (Lakoff has an excellent explanation of his mathematical proof in Women, fire, and dangerous things.)

As a result of this dissatisfaction, Postal, Lakoff, and others created an alternative approach called generative semantics, which tried to keep meaning associated with each constituent at all stages of the process. This school of linguistics was basically defunct by the early 80s, but not due to responses from the Chomskyan camp. Rather, it became superseded by the field of cognitive linguistics, which incorporated many of its principles into a radically new approach to language and meaning. If you've been reading my journal from the beginning, then you're already acquainted with some of the chief characteristics of the cognitive approach.

Incredibly, this makes you more knowledgeable on the subject than someone who got Houghton Mifflin to publish his book on languages. Unlike most modern Chomskyans, Abley doesn't dismiss cognitive linguistics (or silently incorporate some of its findings while publicly holding the line against it). Rather he seems genuinely ignorant that it exists. This is like someone giving an overview of late-20th century pop music and forgetting to mention punk. What makes it worse is that he spends half the remaining chapter rambling on about Sapir-Whorf. He'd really like to believe that some form of the eponymous hypothesis is true despite the fact that it's basically anathema to orthodox Chomskyanism. The cognitive principle that all meaning is "embodied" would be just the ticket for him if, you know, he'd ever heard of alternative music.

Fortunately, this short chapter seems to be his only excursus into the deep water of linguistic theory. In Chapter 4, he's back to navigating the shallow shoals of journalistic description that he handles so well. If he can just stick to his case studies for the rest of the book and not go wading in over his head, I think the book still has a lot of enjoyment to offer me. If not, [livejournal.com profile] monshu might end up with it in his satchel sooner than he anticipated.
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NetLoon: I read something from a guy who says cheese is made from corn. Does anyone know anything about this?
Me: As far as we can tell, there is no way to make cheese out of corn.
NetLoon: It makes sense what he's saying since corn is yellow and so is cheese.
Me: A lot of foods are yellow. That doesn't mean they're all related.
NetLoon: Look here where he says that polenta is "creamy" and so is Gouda!
Me: Take any two foods and you can find resemblances in texture between them. This still doesn't prove anything since they could be due to chance.
NetLoon: What do you know anyway? He's got a lot of comparisons on his website.
Me: I have a degree in food science. Near as I can tell, your man's credentials are that he used to be a fry monkey at KFC.
NetLoon: KFC has a bowl that mixes CORN and CHEESE!!!
Me: ...
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So last week's post about Ostler was originally conceived of as a post about my mild disappointment with both him and Abley, but I went on so long about the one, I couldn't see how to shoehorn in the other. Now whereas Ostler is a linguist but not a historian, Abley is neither linguist nor historian but journalist. Nothing wrong with that; as he points out, "you don't have to be a veterinarian to describe cats". Fine if he stopped there, but in preempting the assaults of us vicious philoglots, he goes farther and says:
I beg the forgiveness of linguists for trespassing on their territory and perpetuating whatever blunders have found a home in these pages--and I would gently remind them that their own voices are unlikely to be heard on the subject unless they speak out in terms that are lucid, intelligible, and free from jargon.
To which I reply, "Bite me. Is that free enough from jargon for you?" I can't tell you all how damn sick I am of being upbraided by people outside my field for using "jargon". Why is this always a pejorative term among laymen? This is linguistics, not pop psychology or pomo theory. Our "jargon" is not some hermetic cant to fool everyone into thinking we know what we're talking about when we don't. If "laymen's terms" or "ordinary language" were sufficient to describe what we need to describe, then we would never have needed to invent any "jargon".

Moreover, I've never found that it makes much different anyway. The fundamental problem with talking to hoi polloi is not that we use jargon but that they are so blinkered by their own biases and idées-fixes that they can't comprehend the basic tenets even when they are couched in the plainest language imaginable. If you need examples of what I mean, just browse Language Log for a bit. The good souls there have spilled billions of pixels striving to debunk as much nonsense as they can, and yet it just keeps coming. Particularly depressing is the numbing regularity with which you see the same canards resurface (e.g. talking pets, sex differences in the brain, etc.) and the same blitheness with which the experts are misunderstood each time.

I'm reminded of [livejournal.com profile] snousle's frequent comments on the theme of what makes science hard: it's not the language the concepts are explained in, it's the concepts themselves. The most important scientific discoveries are painfully counterintuitive; we believe them not because the conform to our preconceptions nor out of blind faith, but because rigourous application of the scientific method consistently shows them to be valid. This isn't less true of fields like behavioural psychology or linguistics simply by dint of their being less "hard" than nuclear physics or microbiology.

Given this, jargon is not only an important tool for experts to state what they mean precisely but also an important reminder to non-experts that the nature of these things is not what they think it is. For instance, "phonemes" are a qualitatively different concept than "sounds" or "letters" and can't be reduced to either; the sooner a neophyte accepts that, the closer they are to understanding how language really works. Jargon is vitally important in the struggle to keep people (both within and without the field) from interpreting everything according to their "folk models"; so why do people keep trying to take it away from us?

Also, he misspells "Kabardian" as "Kakardian". Repeatedly. Maybe that's an error introduced by a copyeditor but even so, what the hell?
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A day after cracking the cover of Ostler and he's already succeeded in annoying me. In one of his introductory chapters, he tells us, "Bizarrely, linguists almost universally assume that the basic properties of languages which they study...are irrelevant to the language's prospects of survival." He trumpets as one of the "innovations of this book" that he dissents from this orthodoxy.

So what's his counterargument? He directs the reader to the section of Chapter 14 titled "What makes a language learnable". His first grand example is the spread of Arabic, which "settled permanently only in areas that had previously spoken an Afro-Asiatic language", e.g. the Aramaic-speaking Middle East, but not Iran or Anatolia; Berber- and Egyptian-speaking North Africa, but not Romance-speaking al-Andalus, etc.

Anyone see any problems with this? Let's start in the Maghreb. You know, the part of the world with around 25 million Berber-speakers, including one-third the population of Morocco? If linguistic affiliations are so important, why are there any of them left at all? As for Spain, who knows what the prospects of Arabic would've been there if not for that little bout of mediaeval ethnic cleansing known as the Reconquista? And what about Malta? From what I can tell, this island was thoroughly Latinised before the Arabic conquest, yet the Arabic implanted there has survived nearly a millennium of Frankish rule.

But there's a much bigger fly in the ointment, and its name is Persia. On page 554, it's proof of his thesis: Thirteen-and-a-half centuries of Islamic rule have not made Afro-Asiatic-speakers out of Aryans. But on page 555, where he contrasts the successful implantation of Greek in (Phrygian-speaking) Asia Minor to its failure to catch on in Asia Major, we find this frank admission:
It is most surprising structurally that Greek did not take root in Persia, since Persian is a fairly similar Indo-European language (and was famously learnt in a year by the aging Greek Themistocles...); but perhaps there are non-linguistic reasons why an alien language should be particularly resented and resisted in the heartland of what had been an independent and mighty empire for over two centuries.
Ya think? Doesn't this also make a more compelling explanation for the Persians failure to adopt Arabic than simply a distaste for nonconcatenative morphology? Greek's failure to implant is only "surprising" if you start from a dubious assumption of its prospects.

That's my problem with his thesis: It doesn't seem to account for anything for which an equally good or better explanation cannot be found. Worse, it seems to have no predictive power at all. So, for instance, he concludes his paragraph on the spread of Arabic by bringing in the Turks, who "did not pick up Arabic, although they did accept, and even spread into Europe, the religion of Islam. The Turks' language is even less similar structurally to Arabic than Indo-European is." Ostler seems to have missed that, according to the transitive property, this also makes Turkic less similar structurally to Indo-European than Arabic is yet it was implanted in Indo-European-speaking areas with resounding success. Whatever the number of nomadic Seljuqs who came to Asia Minor in the eleventh century, they were vastly outnumbered by urbanised Greeks. Yet by 1914, Greeks and Armenians combined were less than twenty percent of the population.

Perhaps I'm being unfair to Ostler. After all, I've only tasted excerpts, not read his carefully constructed arguments from cover to cover. Maybe I'll revisit this entry several weeks from now my opinion entirely changed. But don't count on it.
Aug. 12th, 2009 09:31 pm

Imparsable

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If you've ever tried to speak a foreign language, you've had the disconcerting experience of having someone say something to you and perceiving nothing but a string of meaningless sounds, not matter how many times they say it. So I don't know whether it's reassuring or only that much more depressing that this happens in my native language as well.

A couple of weeks ago, when I was riding on the Clark bus in the company of those drunken lesbians, one of them mentioned that she was in the mood for Mexican food. Mistaking an earlier joking reference to Jackhammer for a serious suggestion, I said, "There's a really good place right next to the bar." "Nestatees?" one of them replied. I stared bewildered and said, "What?" but they only kept repeating the same mystery word. Somehow it finally resolved itself into "Next to T's?" It turned out they were stopping at a different watering hole entirely.

Then earlier in the week, I ran into someone who's prevailed upon my language expertise in the past and the first thing out of his mouth was "How's your sowslavy?" My what? It took at least three reps and plenty of context ("An Indian language spoken British Columbia") for me to finally see this gibberish as "South Slavey". (I don't think I'll be too hard on myself about that one.)
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Ever since reading Lakoff, I've been sensitivised to conceptual categories. It's always fun to realise that your brain has classified something in a way that's non-obvious to other speakers, but is so natural to you that you're not even aware of it until there's a miscommunication.

For instance, last night at dinner [livejournal.com profile] monshu talked about serving something "with the beans". I had to think about it for a moment, because I was sure he'd said that our starch was going to be potatoes (a.k.a. "the Great Satan"). Turned out he was referring to the green beans, which I never in hundred years would've classified as "beans". They're a green vegetable; they require no soaking or boiling in order to eat. Canned is not an acceptable substitute. I wouldn't put them in a soup or a stew. And so on and so forth.

Other revelations which employ the same type of interaction-based logic:
  1. "Chickpeas" are not "peas". Neither are "pigeon peas". Only "green peas" are "peas" (to the point that "green peas" sounds pleonastic to me). And for those of you who call them "garbanzo beans", they aren't "beans" either.
  2. "Hot dogs" are not "sausages". And this holds whether you call them "franks", "frankfurters", "red hots", or god-know-what. It doesn't matter that they are encased meats or that bratwursts and their ilk also show up regularly on buns.
  3. "Cream cheese" is not "cheese". Neither is anything that looks and tastes similar, like Quark/Topfen or Neufchâtel. I'm not sure what to do with mascarpone, but ricotta is also "cheese" and "cottage cheese" isn't. (As far as I'm concerned, cottage cheese isn't even edible, but that's neither here nor there.)
  4. "Soda water" is not "soda". "Soda" is artificially coloured and flavoured and sweetened.
I don't expect all of you to agree on these, and I don't think that difference is necessary dialectal; it wouldn't shock me if my own brother, raised with the same (godawful) food traditions differed with me on one or more of these. (After all, he's wrong about so many, many things.)
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As much as I dislike some of the orthographic kludges which ASCII has forced upon various orthographies and their romanisations, I do have to admire their robustness. Right now, I'm reading two books with plenty of Arabic names in them (Elias Khoury's Gate of the Sun and Tim Mackintosh-Smith's Travels with a Tangerine) and the popular typographical convention of leaving out any diacritics which might "confuse" the delicate monolingual reader is really annoying me. Want to look up a simple name like "al-Ghutah"? Well, you might have to check in a half-dozen different places in the dictionary depending on whether the stressed vowel is really /u/ or /ū/, the medial consonant /t/ or /ṭ/, and the final /h/ or /ḥ/. (Let's not even get into the question of whether the "gh" is really /ɣ/ or a dialectal realisation of /q/.) It doesn't help matters, of course, that the alternatives are nowhere near each other in traditional alphabetic order. ("Ḥ", for instance, is the sixth letter of the Arabic alphabet, whereas "h" comes dead last.) After a while, the common 'Net convention of writing "7" in place of "ḥ" (for <ح‎>) begins to look pretty damn sensible.

Also, whoever thought it was a good idea to use apostrophes (and their like) to transcribe anything should be squeezed to death by a greengrocer. I've complained numerous times already about their use to represent aspiration in McCune-Reischauer and Wade-Giles, since of course "ko" and "k'o" are completely different words in both Korean and Chinese (and, similarly, nowhere near each other in most phonetic indexes). Now imagine the fun in Arabic where one sound (the hamza or glottal stop) is <ʾ> and another (the ʿayn or pharyngeal approximate) is <ʿ>. Some works substitute the IPA symbols (respectively, <ʔ> and <ʕ>), but you can see how this isn't exactly a major improvement. I'm tempted to go through my entire Arabic self-instruction book and overwrite every <ʿ> with either <3> or <9>. (The former is a common 'Net convention, the latter one I've seen in a few other paedagogical works.)
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Okay, unlike the last fill-in-the-blank, this is just a straightforward elicitation to gain insight into a grammatical question which popped up on [livejournal.com profile] linquaphiles. (Obviously I can't tell you what the question was before you answer without prejudicing the results, so be patient.) All I want is the first thing that pops into your head.
"He was squatting down on his _____ cutting out paper hearts with _____."
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Since water and electricity are already optional here at work, you shouldn't be surprised to find out that access to our ILS is, too. They had to regenerate the keyword index last night. Supposedly, we're still waiting for "verification" from the vendor which will happen ANY MINUTE NOW.

In the meantime, I've been finding some interesting articles to read on the web. Searching the term "zuzuben" dropped by someone in a post, I found this fascinating tidbit:
In reality, the Tohoku Region now consists of rich rice fields and orchards, and high-tech cities. Traditionally, however, it is considered a poor farmland, so that the poor farmers' words in the Japanese literature have always been told in the Tohoku-Ben and that the soutern accents of the Blacks in the American literature, in the Japanese-translated edition, always have appeared in the Tohoku dialects. (Source)
I love stuff like this! Ever since reading Tolkien's appendices, I've been fascinated by the challenge of "translating" sociolects. One interesting question on this subject a while ago was, "What dialect does Eliza speak in translations of My Fair Lady and, specifically, what stigmatised features is she trying to overcome in the "Rain in Spain" song?" For instance, in the German version, she speaks Berlinerisch and her fault is unrounding the ü of such words as grün and blühen. (This not purely a feature of Berlinerisch, but one which is widespread in German dialects.)

But, of course, coming up with an analogue for a Southern accent is even trickier than finding one for a lower-class urban one. Most translators, I imagine, don't even bother. So, if true, this is a very interesting facet of Japanese literature.
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Well, it was bound to happen sooner or later: I finally had to create a record written in a language for which there is no established ALA-LC Romanisation standard. I asked one of my co-workers what to do and he told me, "I had this problem a few years ago, so I wrote to LC and asked and they said, 'Do what you can.'" So I did what I could--but before I go further, I wonder, does anyone else want to have a crack? Here's the title as it appears on the cover:
بوقاتان
I know that's not much to go on, but the spelling of the place of publication is so exotic, I don't even have the proper Arabic character set to handle it. So ignore the second hamza in this attempt:
ءۇرئمجى
Any guesses? Read more... )
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